Abdullin Alexander Rafkatovich - full dossier, compromising evidence
Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada, Advisor to the Prime Minister ...
Appears in public, on TV channels, in the news ...
criminal connections with Bakai, Tymoshenko's wallet, fraud in the oil and gas industr ...
Abdullin Alexander Rafkatovich
Alexander Rafkatovich Abdullin is downright "gas king". The Prosecutor General's Office opened a criminal case against Abdullin and three of his partners: Oleg Rafalsky, Valery Akopyan and Oleg Zeldin. These four were charged with large-scale scams with barter transactions for the purchase of gas, theft of money from state-owned enterprises that sold products for barter payments for gas, non-payment of huge sums to the budget, as well as laundering dirty money through Ukrgasbank and transferring large sums abroad (including number in the US). Do not forget about connections with the swindler Igor Bakai, and the purchase of real estate in America for the money of Intergaz. And after all the gas affairs, Abdullin joined Yulia Tymoshenko, and now he does not leave her for a moment, acting as her wallet.
“Gas King” – Alexander Abdullin
Born June 29, 1962 in Kyiv. According to some reports, Alexander in the third generation is a descendant of an academician, vice-rector of Kyiv University, who went to the front and died at the very beginning of the Great Patriotic War. He began his career as a turner at the Tochelektropribor plant in the capital. In 1985-1987 he worked as a correspondent for the News from Ukraine newspaper, then as a correspondent and commercial director of Rabochaya Gazeta. In 1989 he graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of the Kyiv State University named after. T. Shevchenko. In 1992, Alexander Abdullin went into big business.. He was the director of the Intertrade company, vice president of the Respublika corporation, and president of CJSC Intergaz. In the 1998 parliamentary elections, he received a deputy mandate in Boryspil constituency No. 97. At the same time, he ran for parliament on the list of the HDPU (No. 10). In 1999, Alexander Abdullin participated in the creation of the Democratic Union party. The structure was created under the patronage of the “managing director” of the parliament, Alexander Volkov. In 2002, he was elected to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the Rivne constituency No. 156. In the parliament, he was a member of the following deputy groups and factions: United Ukraine, European Choice, SDPU (o). Since March 2005 – member of the BYuT faction. Only Stepan Khmara publicly spoke out against the arrival of Alexander Rafkatovich to the faction. (“Ukrainian Truth”, May 30, 2006). In the 2006 parliamentary elections, he was elected to the Verkhovna Rada on the BYuT list (No. 74). In the early parliamentary elections of 2007, he received a deputy mandate on the BYuT list (No. 48). Deputy head of the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc faction. On January 4, 2008, he was appointed Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ukraine on a voluntary basis.
Wife – Tatyana Rostislavovna (born 1963) – designer of a construction company. According to one version, before her marriage to Abdullin, she was married to the son of one of the high-ranking party officials. The Abdullins raised their daughters, Evgenia (born 1988) and Alexandra (born 1991).
A lot of information compromising Abdullin is connected with his activities in the oil and gas sector in the late 90s: “The information compromising Alexander Abdullin concerns his “gas” past. According to informed sources, even the US FBI was interested in him.” The authoritative politician Stepan Khmara spoke out against joining the BYuT faction: “He is connected with the swindler Igor Bakai, who is one of the participants in the criminal activities of Kuchma,” Stepan Ilkovich was indignant. “These people should be in other institutions.”. It is unlikely that the former dentist hints at a sanatorium.
Why did Yulia Tymoshenko take not the second, but only the third place in the elections? She should ask this question to the one who financed and directed her election campaign, that is, Alexander Abdullin. Five years ago, he took a place next to her, vacated after the flight of Alexander Turchinov, but it seems that he is doing his duties very badly.. Abdullin failed to achieve Tymoshenko's victory in 2014, let her down in the current presidential elections, and may well fail Batkivshchyna in future parliamentary elections.. Involuntarily, the question arises, is he a mishandled Cossack? And it is quite logical, if we recall the facts of the distant past of Abdullin. How did a journalist become a gas oligarch? Abdullin Alexander Rafkatovich (ethnic Tatar) was born in Kyiv, where he grew up in an old house on Lenin Street (now Bogdan Khmelnitsky). The apartment in it belonged to Abdullin's grandfather, who in the 30s was an academician and vice-rector of KSU named after. Shevchenko, he died in 1941, being a militia fighter. . After graduating from high school, Abdullin went to the Kyiv plant “Tochelektropribor”, where he took shape as a turner's apprentice, and then twice (in 1979 and 1980) tried to enter the Faculty of Geography of KSU, but failed. In the end, he was nevertheless overtaken by the long arm of the Soviet military registration and enlistment office. According to him, he was taken to the army in a black “Volga”, and he served in the air defense unit in Vasilkov (25 km from Kyiv), having the opportunity to carry out leave houses. Having been demobilized in 1983, Abdullin spent a whole year beating pears somewhere, and only in 1984 he entered the faculty of journalism at KSU, where he was invited by a friend of the dean. He graduated from the university in 1989, so it is not difficult to calculate the year of admission. These oddities gave rise to many rumors about what a young man who was listed as a turner at the factory could actually do.. Moreover, after that, Abdullin began to have unprecedented luck: in 1985, a sophomore student began to earn money in several publications, including in the mysterious English-language newspaper News from Ukraine (information about such a publication was not found), after graduation he made an instant career in Rabochaya Gazeta (from a journalist to a commercial director), and then in 1992 he jumped sharply into big business. Of course, Abdullin himself is not from a simple family, and his wife Tatyana Rostislavovna too (and before Abdulin she was allegedly the wife of the son of a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine), but still they told different things about him. For example, that before and after the army, Abdullin led a cheerful life of a Soviet major (as far as the income of his parents allowed), that once he was so seriously “stuck” that he was forced to agree to cooperate with the Soviet authorities. That allegedly at first he helped them identify “anti-Soviet” (hence the work for an unknown English-language newspaper), and then was switched to work with the Kyiv organized crime groups. Where he met his “senior comrade” Alexander Volkov, who, according to SKELET-info, from his youth was assigned as an agent of the Criminal Investigation Department to his neighbor Vladimir Kisel (the late Kyiv “authority” nicknamed Grandfather). All this, of course, is just a rumor.. However, in the early 90s, when all of Ukraine was plunged into a crisis and hyperinflation, few could afford to literally bathe in dollars. To do this, it was necessary to have access to export resources, as well as great connections in power, in law enforcement agencies and in the criminal world.. Abdullin then not only got rich, he became one of the first Ukrainian oligarchs who rose on oil and gas. And curiously, he still hides exactly how he did it! So, there is something to hide there … In 1989, a young journalism graduate undertook to take a series of photographs with views of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. With the help of acquaintances, he received permission and an escort with a dosimeter, and then, with the help of all the same acquaintances, he published these photos in the Western press – and, apparently, again with the help of acquaintances, he received an international award in convertible currency for which he bought himself in Kyiv a separate apartment (according to rumors, some repatriate). And as a bonus, journalist Abdullin received a “liquidator” certificate, according to which he has benefits and payments from the state. In 1992, having abandoned Rabochaya Gazeta and the path of a journalist, Abdullin became the director of the Intertrade company – information about which has not been preserved (or has been carefully deleted). After working there for several months, he moved to the position of vice president of the infamous Republic Corporation, created by Igor Sharov and Igor Bakai. This corporation entered the history of Ukraine on the wave of a major gas scandal, causing losses to the state by almost half a billion dollars (and then the dollar was many times “stronger” than the current one). And by the way, unlike a similar scandal with the UESU corporation, it did not have such a resonance and continuation: the fact that Bakai and his partners (including Abdullin) shod the state for such a huge amount was quickly “forgotten”. Which allowed them to calmly pull off their next scams.. And again the question is why?
There will be even more questions if you remember who the founders of the “Republic” were then.. The first is Igor Sharov, a businessman from Kirovograd, who, with his brothers, opened the Inkopmark company, which became one of the founders of Respublika.. According to SKELET-info sources, Igor Sharov moved to Kyiv thanks to his elder brother, a policeman, with the former head of the Kirovograd Regional Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Yuri Kravchenko (future Minister of Internal Affairs). This happened just when Kravchenko became the chairman of the State Customs Committee of Ukraine in 1993, that is, he opened the gates of customs for the “Republic”. Well, this is more or less clear. The second is Igor Bakai, who until 1993 “survived” by trading in products, and suddenly took off to the president of one of the largest gas companies, which also robbed the state with half a billion “bucks” with impunity. But the secret of his success is as surprising as the career rise of his assistant Abdullin. Perhaps he really is the nephew of the first president, Leonid Kravchuk, as various sources have repeatedly reported.. But perhaps the point was in other, by no means family ties of Bakai with the largest organized criminal groups in Kyiv and their high-ranking patrons. When in the 2002 elections Bakai ran in the majoritarian district in Rivne, he was remembered there for his political advertising in the society of the Klitschko brothers. By the way, this was the first time that Klitschko participated in big politics, albeit only as a support team.. So, back in 1997, Bakai became the main sponsor of Vitali Klitschko, but became close friends with this sports star back in the early 90s, when he was a protégé of the crime boss Rybka (Viktor Rybalko). One could assume that Bakay “bought out” Klitschko from Rybka, but this is not so.. Because in the early 90s they were all one team: Bakai, and Klitschko, and Rybka. At the same time, Alexander Abdullin joined their team, associated with another team – Alexander Volkov and Vladimir Kisel (Grandfather). All of them (including Sharov) were united by big business carried out through the Respublika corporation.. To whom Semyon Mogilevich and his Kyiv “watcher” Alexander Presman also had relations. By the way, when in 1997 Kisel ended up in a pre-trial detention center, the money for his ransom (a million dollars) was given by Bakai, while Presman brought them to the Organized Crime Control Department. This business did not start with gas, but the history of the first major transactions of the “Republic” is, as they say, buried in concrete.. It seems that a stream of large-scale looting of Ukraine and all kinds of scams passed through the corporation, in which both high-ranking officials and criminal “authorities” participated. Information about only one transaction has reached our days (maybe others will open soon), and even then not completely. Namely, the bank “Ukraine” issued a loan to the small bank “Alliance” in the amount of 30 billion karbovanets, for which a batch of diamonds was purchased (possibly from state funds), then these diamonds were sold through the “Republic” to Uzbekistan already for 110 billion. Of course, karbovans were not printed in Uzbekistan. We are talking about barter transactions, during which the “Republic” received for these diamonds (or for a loan for which they were pledged) a certain product for a specified amount – and then it was also profitably resold. On the Ukrainian side, the deal was covered, by the way, by Vitaliy Masol, who became prime minister again soon after. Obviously, there were many such deals, and it was they that allowed Bakai (and Abdullin accompanying him) to quickly tread the path to the palaces of the Central Asian “emirs”, where he agreed on barter gas schemes. The situation was as follows: by the beginning of 1994, the state company Ukrgazprom, due to hyperinflation and the crisis of non-payments, owed Russia and Turkmenistan huge sums for gas – and they simply stopped selling it to it (and in February 1994, the Russian Gazprom for the first time for two stopped gas transit through Ukraine for a day). This was the reason that gas purchases in Ukraine began to be dealt with by those who could pay for it – that is, private companies. Itera and Sodruzhestvo (since 1995 – UESU) bought gas mainly from Russia, and the Industrial Union of Donbass from Uzbekistan, and fully served the interests of their owners. Respublika, on the other hand, was supposed to become an intermediary between Ukrgazprom and Turkmenistan, and first of all to pay off old debts – this is what Leonid Kravchuk, who was preparing for early elections, blessed her with. The authorized capital of the “Respublika” was about 4 thousand dollars, Ukraine's gas debt to Turkmenistan – 672 million dollars. “Respublika” actually had no money of its own, nevertheless, using an “unlimited loan” from the Cabinet of Ministers and the President, in a few months of 1994, “Respublika”, under the control of Bakai, Sharov and Abdullin, somehow settled the old debts of Ukrgazprom. Moreover, the Turkmen President Niyazov became a great friend of Bakai – that is, he probably received good “kickbacks” from this. However, pleasing the “Turkmenbashi” cost dearly to Ukrainian enterprises, whose products sent to Turkmenistan remained unpaid, and loans taken from Ukrainian banks were not returned.. The same thing happened with Turkmen gas supplied under new agreements in 1994: “Respublika” almost paid off for it with Turkmenistan, but again did not return anything to Ukrainian enterprises and banks, or to the Ukrainian budget. Where is the money going? According to SKELET-info sources, a significant part went to finance Kravchuk's election campaign (presidential elections), plus to the election funds of several officials and businessmen who ran in majoritarian districts (parliamentary elections). Apparently, this was the main reason that after the elections, the “Republic” simply quickly curtailed its activities.. But here's a new mystery: for another two years (!) 2.2 billion cubic meters of gas belonging to Respublika lay untouched in Ukrgazprom's storage facilities, and no one dared to confiscate them on account of paying the corporation's debts to the budget and state-owned enterprises, which reached half a billion dollars! What's more, the Republic's documentation soon burned down in a mysterious fire at its headquarters.
Fraudsters from Intergaz
In February 1995, ZAO Intergaz was established in Simferopol (EDRPOU 22298336). For a long time now, this is an unremarkable company that does not understand what and rewritten to some figureheads. However, it was with her that the new large-scale project of Bakai and Abdullin began. In a few months, they registered in Ukraine a number of subsidiaries of the same name, a parent holding in Kyiv (CJSC Intergas), and in Pennsylvania (USA) the company Intergas Inc, whose director Igor Sharov became. The main office of Intergaz, in the rank of president of the CJSC, was headed by Alexander Abdullin, who remained in this position until the spring of 1998, until he received the mandate of a people's deputy, and Igor Sharov (as chairman of the board of directors). It is curious that Ivano-Frankivsk businessman Alexei Ivchenko, the future scandalous head of Naftogaz and the future owner of the collapsed Evrogazbank, which shod depositors and creditors for 2.18 billion hryvnias, became the first vice-president of Intergez, that is, Abdullin’s deputy.. It was from his position at Intergaz, in the team of Bakai, Abdullin, Presman and Kisel, that his rapid gas career began. But what wind brought him there, also remained a mystery.. Ivchenko is a very dark horse, it is only known that he was a person from a certain group that controlled the oil and gas business in Galicia and decided to participate in Bakai's big undertaking. Together with Bakai, Abdullin repeatedly traveled to the United States, where they were engaged in the acquisition of expensive real estate with money withdrawn from the Ukrainian Intergas to its Pennsylvania branch Intergas Inc.. Again, it was known that Bakai and Sharov bought the “ranch” there, but the information on Abdullin again turned out to be carefully deleted. Likewise, all the details about the activities of Intergaz, although it was not easy to hide them: the corporation was the largest importer of gas. In 1996 alone, Intergaz purchased 10 billion cubic meters of blue fuel from Gazprom at a price of $80, which was much more expensive than Turkmen gas ($55 each), but for some reason Intergas switched from Turkmenistan to Russia. Perhaps the name of this reason was Presman – who was the “looker” from Mogilevich, who, in turn, was interested in selling Russian gas (not “Gazprom”, but through “Gazprom”). However, in the same 1996, Pavel Lazarenko became prime minister, who patronized the UESU corporation (Yulia Tymoshenko). Things at Intergas did not go as well as they could, but the Bakai-Sharov-Abdullin team managed to grease up Leonid Kuchma. Back in 1996, Igor Sharov, who defected from the Communist Party (the gas oligarch was elected to the Rada as a communist) to the pro-presidential “Constitutional Center”, was appointed Kuchma's representative in parliament. And in 1997, Igor Bakai was appointed Deputy Minister of the Oil and Gas Industry of Ukraine. A few months later, Bakai abandoned scams with private companies and created the state corporation Naftogaz of Ukraine, which included the structures of the collapsed Ukrgazprom and Ukrgaz. As planned by Bakai, Naftogaz became a gas monopoly, so the activities of all other gas companies were curtailed. How did “Kravchuk's nephew” so quickly manage to gain confidence in Kuchma? Perhaps this was facilitated by Alexander Volkov, who financed Kuchma in the 1994 elections and since then has been a member of the inner circle of Leonid Danilovich. Well, the common link between Bakai and Volkov was the “authority” Kisel. By that time, Alexander Abdullin himself got hold of a mandate, having been elected to the Verkhovna Rada in the spring of 1998 in constituency No. 97 (Kyiv) and joining the ranks of the eternal people's deputies – he has been in parliament for 21 years, as they say. And this was very useful to him already in the same 1998, when the Prosecutor General's Office opened a criminal case against Abdullin and his three partners: Oleg Rafalsky, Valery Akopyan and Oleg Zeldin. Hakobyan was the chief accountant of Respublika and Intergaz, that is, a direct participant in all their dirty schemes. Rafalsky was called Sharov’s man – he was also from the “Kirovograd”, but in the “zero” he joined the “Donetsk” and served Yanukovych faithfully for a long time, making a career as a deputy to his Administration (2010-2014), after which he defected to serve Turchynov, and then Poroshenko. No information has been preserved about Zeldin, perhaps he was closely connected with Abdullin, who also carefully cleaned up his past. These four were charged with large-scale scams with barter transactions for the purchase of gas, theft of money from state-owned enterprises that sold products for barter payments for gas, non-payment of huge sums to the budget, as well as laundering dirty money through Ukrgasbank and transferring large sums abroad (including number in the US). The case was set in motion, investigators seized bundles of documents from Ukrgasbank. However, then, by order from above, the investigation was curtailed, the documents were returned to the bank, and the case was forgotten – after which the fire broke out again, and all the evidence was allegedly burned down. As you can see, Abdullin burned evidence in the most literal sense of the word!
From Kuchma to Tymoshenko or “Tymoshenko's Purse”
The first Maidan scattered old companions. Igor Sharov went to the Lytvyn Bloc, and then moved to the Party of Regions. Igor Bakai, who in 2003-2004 headed the State Administration of Affairs (the infamous DUSya), immediately after the Maidan fled to Russia, where he literally immediately received citizenship. Aleksey Ivchenko settled in best of all, because as the head of the KUN (Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists) he entered Yushchenko's entourage – and got Naftogaz to feed himself. But Alexander Abdullin managed to instantly change his shoes: even during the Maidan, he remained a Social Democrat and held on to Medvedchuk, and already on March 4, 2005, he appeared next to Yulia Tymoshenko as her new ally and sponsor. This led to a scandal: the well-known Ukrainian dissident and right-wing politician Stepan Khmara, who joined the BYuT back in 2001, categorically opposed the admission of Abdullin to the Batkivshchyna. Khmara could not forgive Abdullin for the 1998 elections, where they clashed together in the 97th district: then the “gas king”, using bribery and all sorts of dirty methods, simply crushed his opponent, who expected to win “the old fashioned way” with honest campaigning. Since then, Khmara saw in Abdullin a “Kuchmist”, an accomplice of Medvedchuk and a corrupt official – and he was beside himself with anger when Abdullin entered Tymoshenko’s inner circle from dispersal. Khmara was principled, so Tymoshenko had to choose. And although Khmara was a political authority, “Vona” chose Abdullin – more precisely, his money, a lot of money. And indeed, since then, Abdullin, in addition to regular purchases of a passing place on the list of “Fatherland”, did not want other funds to finance the party, for which he received his nickname “Tymoshenko's wallet”. And since 2006, he has been regularly, already four times, elected as a deputy on the party list, rising from 74th to 49th, then to 28th, and now to 17th place. By the way, in 2014, Abdullin was one of the few old associates of Tymoshenko who did not run away from her in the “People's Front”. According to sources, it was Abdullin's money that helped Tymoshenko, who had just been released from prison, recover and get back on her feet, literally saved the party itself.. Therefore, now he is not only a “purse”, but also a very confidant of Yulia Vladimirovna. The media reported that at that time Abdullin even bought Ecotechprom LLC from Oleksandr Turchynov, for which since 2005 the lease of the building where the main Kyiv office of Batkivshchyna is located (ul.. Turovskaya 13) Abdullin traditionally heads the “information department” of the party – on the grounds that he was once a journalist, albeit not for long. In addition, being a party “purse”, he also pays for the work of the press service of the “Batkivshchyna” and ordered materials in the media.. And this allows him to form opinions in two directions: not only to convey to the voters the appearance and position of Tymoshenko (which he himself, in many respects, forms), but also to compile an overview of the mood in society for the party leader. In fact, Abdullin is also Tymoshenko's chief political strategist. All this, you understand, opens up many different possibilities for him.. But how will Abdullin now explain to Tymoshenko her defeat in the elections, in which he is also directly to blame? In 2014, it could still be attributed to all sorts of force majeure, to the betrayal of escaped comrades-in-arms, but now? But Abdullin knows how to pose as a devoted comrade-in-arms, even if he is frankly mistaken in doing so. “Arthur, you're a jerk, you're just a jerk!” – with these words, Abdullin tried to stop the recent speech of Artur Gerasimov (head of the BPP faction), who voiced the recorded negotiations between Tymoshenko and Kolomoisky from the rostrum of the Verkhovna Rada. Well, he tried – but he did not succeed, and this is the whole Abdullin. Who probably knew about Gerasimov's intentions and could “resolve” this issue with him on the sidelines.
Where does the money come from?
In 2014, Abdullin declared 173 thousand 40 hryvnias of income, 1 million 127 thousand 453 hryvnias in bank accounts and 23 million 570 thousand 500 hryvnias of contributions to the authorized (share) capital of a company, enterprise or organization. Other members of his family earned UAH 192,000 in dividends and interest, and UAH 2,36,417 in bank accounts. The people's deputy also declared an apartment of 66.5 sq.. m. and a Porsche Cayenne car, for family members – an apartment of 139.5 sq.. m, cars Mercedes-Benz SL and Audi A6. In the declaration for 2015, Abdullin's property remained the same, the deputy also owned Porsche Cayenne and Hyundai Accent cars. His wife Tatyana Smolenskaya has Mercedes-Benz SL and Audi A6 cars. In addition, Abdullin declared four pairs of men's watches (Patek Philippe, Ulysse Nardin, Frank Muller and Vacheron Constantin), and two pairs of women's watches for his wife (Girard Perregaux, Vacheron Constantin). He indicated the same hours in the declarations for 2016 and 2017.. And also Abdullin owns corporate rights to Ecotechprom LLC and MC-Finance LLC is registered on it. These companies also appear in subsequent declarations. In 2015, he earned 77,561 hryvnias, received 80,559 hryvnias to fulfill his parliamentary powers and 4,162 hryvnias in compensation payments to a Chernobyl participant. Abdullin also declared 425 thousand hryvnias, 187.5 thousand dollars and 35 thousand euros in cash, on bank accounts – 92 thousand 998 hryvnias. His wife earned UAH 381,804 in dividends and interest. She had 425 thousand hryvnias, 187.5 thousand dollars and 35 thousand euros in cash, 2 million 71 thousand 901 hryvnias in her accounts. In the declaration for 2016, the real estate of the people's deputy was the same, but there were only two cars – a Porsche Cayenne (owned by Abdullin) and his wife got a Mercedes-Benz GLA220. deputy powers, 2,680 hryvnias of compensation to the participant of the Chernobyl NPP, 1,530 hryvnias of exchange rate difference, 150,000 hryvnias of income from the alienation of movable property. The MP declared 100 thousand hryvnias, 187.5 thousand dollars and 35 thousand euros in cash, 16 thousand 63 hryvnias, 2 thousand 993 dollars on the accounts. In last year's declaration, the deputy had significant changes with real estate: a residential building (519.4 sq.. m) and two land plots (3 thousand sq.. m. and 200 sq.. m). Cars, valuable property and companies in the declaration remained the same. In 2017, Abdullin declared 259 thousand 322 hryvnias of salary, 252 thousand 825 hryvnias for the performance of the powers of a deputy, Smolenskaya – 340 thousand 214 hryvnias of income from interest. The spouses' cash amounts remained the same, Abdullin's bank accounts – 15,497 hryvnias and 2,960 dollars, his wife's – 1,963,875 hryvnias and 3,870 dollars. , 500 thousand hryvnia and 149 thousand hryvnia of income from the alienation of movable property. Tatyana Smolenskaya has the same amounts in cash as her husband, in bank accounts – 1 million 909 thousand 685 hryvnia and 6 thousand 490 dollars. “I worked at +40 in Turkmenistan and at -40 in Russia,” Alexander Abdullin answered with irritation to journalists’ questions about the origin of his capital, when in early 2017 the Prosecutor General’s Office began checking his parliamentary declaration. Unfortunately, the journalists were poorly informed about the past of the people's deputy, and therefore did not begin to specify who exactly and where exactly Bakai's deputy “worked” there. Well, now it’s easy to guess about it: he hid from the Turkmen heat in the cool palaces of Ashgabat, and waited out the Russian frosts in Moscow hotels. And why was the Prosecutor General's Office checking him? Specific claims were not published, but a number of the amounts declared by him did raise questions.. Firstly, Abdullin claims that since 1998, being a deputy, he has not been engaged in any business. Secondly, for the period from 1998 to 2015, he declared only 2.34 million hryvnias of income – only the deputy's salary plus social benefits and material assistance. Well, in both cases, Abdullin lied, although he got away with it, and the Prosecutor General's Office left him alone. Firstly, the media have long reported that Abdulin is a co-owner of Slavyanskaya Spadshchina CJSC (Bakay and Akopyan were his partners in it) and Hermes Invest Holding CJSC, the Reser Fund and Osnova CJSC. This is only what journalists managed to find in Ukraine, however, Abdullin has “stash” abroad, since the time of gas schemes. In addition, MC Finance LLC and the aforementioned Ecotechprom LLC are reflected in his declaration, but for some reason the profit received from them is not indicated.. Secondly, for some reason, Abdullin did not reflect the income received from the sale of the villa in Le Cannet in his income, and this was two million dollars, or 10 million hryvnias at the then exchange rate! Not to mention the fact that, according to sources, Abdulin acquired several properties abroad in the 90s, which he profitably rented out. But Abdullin still had to finance Batkivshchyna for so many years! For what shisha? However, his sponsorship is not reflected in the declarations, although it is known that LLC MC Finance, which belongs to him, only officially transfers up to 25,000 hryvnias a year to the BYuT cash desk. And here's another “little scandal”: in addition to regularly receiving material assistance as a people's deputy (this is about 40 thousand a year), Alexander Abdullin did not disdain to knock out another 4,162 hryvnias of social compensation due to “Chernobyl victims”. That sincerely outraged the journalists who learned about this. But in addition to having hundreds of thousands of declared hryvnias and dollars on the accounts, in addition to firms, cars and spacious real estate in Kyiv and the region, Alexander Abdullin is also the owner of a collection of expensive watches. So, in 2015, he was photographed in the Rada with a Zenith Defy Xtreme watch on his hand: then their market value reached 300 thousand hryvnia, now they are even more expensive. But in his declaration, he did not indicate the presence of these watches.
From the investigation of journalists:
In the declaration for 2011, Abdullin indicated that he had 10.6 million hryvnias in his bank account and another 16 million in his wife's accounts.. In 2013, their total capital decreased to UAH 25.8 million, and in 2014 they allegedly spent UAH 23.6 million on the acquisition of Ecotechprom LLC, after which, over the next years, UAH 2 million and about UAH 450,000 remain on their accounts. dollars in cash (from where?). Somewhat strange in this declaration is an apartment in Kyiv with an area of 136 sq.. meters, bought in 2012 and valued at … 259,249 hryvnia (less than 33 thousand dollars at the exchange rate of that year)
According to the online publication proUA, Abdullin is involved in the creation of the following commercial structures: CJSC Slovyanska Spadshchina; ZAO Germes Invest Holding; CJSC “Osnova”; LLC “Fund “Reserve”. Among Abdullin's business partners are Konstantin Zhevago, with whom he is connected by Hermes Invest Holding CJSC. Alexander Rafkatovich is also considered to be involved in CJSC Fishing Enterprise Proletarskaya Pravda, LLC Tri O. Although Abdullin himself reacts quite painfully when he is called a businessman. “I never called myself a businessman,” he says (Ukrainskaya Pravda, May 30, 2006).
“Socialite” Oksana Moroz
In 2002, Abdullin appeared in a scandalous story that unwittingly revealed the size of the true state of this “modest” people's deputy, and also reminded him of his passion for overseas real estate. And this is what happened: the Kyiv “socialite” Oksana Moroz (a former currency prostitute and mistress of gangster “authorities”, who became Oksana Hunt and opened a super fashion boutique “Sanahant” on the street. Hrushevsky in Kyiv, where many officials and deputies dress) decided to give a good “suck” to her next husband, American businessman Alex Hunt. And she begged him for a villa in France, and not just anywhere, but in Cannes – the famous resort, where famous film festivals are also held. True, it was not possible to buy a villa on the very shore, and Hunt gave his wife a mansion in Le Cannet, a small town two kilometers north of Cannes. Gave it, not suspecting that Oksana Moroz had already put her plan into action, and in a few months she would put Hunt out the door with nothing. And this whole operation was carried out by Oksana Moroz with the help of her longtime patron Vladimir Bedrikovsky. So, according to the publication, this villa in Le Cannet was sold to Hunt by none other than Alexander Abdullin! He asked for two million dollars for her, and immediately received half of the amount from Hunt (of which 850 thousand in cash), and the rest from Oksana Moroz, who stole money from her husband's accounts. And judging by the fact that Abdullin did not lament too much about selling a villa in such a good place (sea, sun, film festival), he had something else like that in store!
Illegal land in Pushcha-Vodytsia
In 2004, more than 500 hectares of forest were allocated for long-term lease in Pushcha-voditsa with the help of the decision of the Kyiv City Council. As a result, 170 summer residents appeared, one of which was Abdullin, who received a plot of 2.72 hectares. In May 2005, the Shevchenkovsky District Court of Kyiv, at the suit of the leader of the Green Party, Vitaly Kononov, declared illegal the decision of the Kyiv City Council to transfer land in Pushcha-Vodytsia to private ownership.. In 2005, Stepan Khmara spoke publicly against the arrival of Alexander Abdullin to the faction.. True, Abdullin himself interprets Khmara’s dislike for himself as follows: “We have a long history with Stepan Ilkovich – he lost the elections to me in the majority district in Boryspil in 1998. And for him it was a shock! After that, our relationship did not work out.
Igor Bakai, Ukrainian oligarch, Russian citizen Yulia Tymoshenko, ex-Prime Minister of Ukraine Konstantin Zhevago, People's Deputy of Ukraine Oleksandr Volkov, Ukrainian oligarch Oleg Rafalsky, Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of Ukraine Valeriy Hakobyan, Director of the Executive Directorate of the Social Insurance Fund against Industrial Accidents and occupational diseases in Ukraine. Igor Didenko, former first deputy head of the board of NJSC Naftogaz of Ukraine. Oleksiy Kucherenko, former Minister for Housing and Communal Services of Ukraine. Oleg Zeldin, Managing Partner of Apex Berg Contact Center Consulting.
Honored Journalist of Ukraine. He was awarded the Order of Merit II and III degrees, the Order of the Holy Equal-to-the-Apostles Prince Vladimir I and II degrees, the Order of Honor of Pope John Paul II, the Medal of Merit I degree (Union of Veterans of Afghanistan). Member of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Freedom of Speech and Information. Member of groups for inter-parliamentary relations with Russia, Switzerland, Austria.
Alexander Rafkatovich is still a “fruit”, his insatiability for real estate and money is exorbitant. Connections with Bakay, Timoshenko, and other individuals mentioned above gave him many opportunities to privatize (often illegally) land and real estate.. And the false information in the declaration shows us the “good faith” of this person.